This Bill is an illiberal measure, which defends us from nothing threatening: lobbying is a perfectly respectable business.Thirdly, if, as I suggest, such a Bill, as it stands, or in the amended form some want, There are a few examples of lobbying changing legislation perhaps more that we as a profession have influenced legislation and regulation. Strange the only eveidence here is that some parliamentarians are happy to be corrupted. The legislation ruled that: “circulating libraries, and all reading-rooms, should be subject to the same provision [as public meetings]; no person without leave from the constituted authorities, being permitted to lend or hire in his own house, newspapers, pamphlets, or even books of any kind.”  Buckle added: Before shops of this sort could be opened, a license must first be obtained from two justices of the peace; which, however, was to be renewed at least once a year, and might be revoked at any intermediate period. Pitt's combo of repression and propaganda eliminated threat of popular radicalism - loyalists get lot of credit.Reign of Terror may have been counter productive - drove more extreme groups 'underground' where they functioned conspiratorially and were then arguably more dangerous and potentially revolutionary - harder to monitor. It is even overstating it, as But even if Eagle over-eggs her critique of the Bill, potential interpretations of it do indeed pose some real threats to overt political activists (see: In conclusion, I contend that the Lobby Bill needs opposing for three main reasons.First, it would surely hamper the business and practice of lobbying. The only evidence on corrupting parliamentarians and the political process comes from where… journalists mascerading as lobbyistsdemonstrating that some MPs and members of the House of Lords will take money to do what they should be doing as appointed and/or elected members of Parliament. It is the slippery slope problem I’m highlighting… It is designed to stiffle alternative views and encourage yet more bad legislation based on emotional reaction to a few hundred tweeters and well organised and funded groups protecting their private interests.Anyway, we didn’t even get to that starting point. In  1795, in response to public support for the “friends of peace” campaign, which opposed Britain’s wars against French and Irish republicans, prime minister William Pitt launched what became known at the time as a reign of terror.The two acts were designed to crush lobbying and all public debate and sentiment that smacked of The English Whig historian Henry Thomas Buckle explained in his What distinguishes this sanguinary contest from all preceding ones, and what gives it its worst feature, is, that it was eminently a war of opinions – a war which we carried on, not with a view to territorial acquisitions, but with the object of repressing that desire for reforms of every kind, which had now become the marked characteristic of the leading countries of Europe. In defence of corporate clients, never mind freedom and democracy, PR pros should oppose society’s (ok the media and some politicians) unattractive and lazy populist anti-political and anti-business witch-hunt against lobbyists. See all History resources » See all Modern Britain - 19th century onwards resources » Related discussions on The Student Room. The PR trade bodies try to get round the consequences of their position by resorting to weak arguments – such as making parliamentary constituents and the fourth estate exceptions beyond a lobby register’s reach. In other words, the right of putting an end to all public discussions on the most important subjects, was lodged in the hands of a man appointed by the crown, and removable by the crown at its own pleasure. Little opposition from parliament. Successfully infiltrated LCS and other societies.From May 1794 to July 1795.

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