Buijtenhuijs, "Le FROLINAT à l'épreuve du pouvoir", p. 21J. Libya had been involved in Chad's internal affairs prior to 1978 and before Muammar Gaddafi's rise to power in Libya in 1969, beginning with the extension of the Chadian Civil Warto northern Chad in 1968. In addition, the country was divided in regard to religions; about 50% were Muslims, most of them living in the north and east, whereas Christians and animists dominated the south.In order to maintain power, Tombalbaye heavily relied on French support. The civil war that began in the mid-1960s has been fraught with shifting alliances: rebel

Libya was unable to exhibit the original copy of the agreement when the case of the Aouzou Strip was brought before the The rapprochement was not to last long, as on 13 April 1975 a coup d'état Libyan activism began generating concerns in the strongest faction into which the FROLINAT had split, the In those years, Gaddafi's support had been mostly moral, with only a limited supply of weapons.

Just before his visit to the Libyan capital, Goukouni had sent two of his commanders to Libya for consultations; at Tripoli, Goukouni learned from Gaddafi that they had been assassinated by "Libyan dissidents", and that if Goukouni did not want to risk losing Libyan favour and lose power, he should accept the merger plan.The level of opposition caused Gaddafi and Goukouni to downplay the importance of the communiqué, speaking of a "union" of peoples, and not of states, and as a "first step" towards closer collaboration. Libya answered by threatening to impose an oil embargo, while France threatened to react if Libya attacked another bordering country.

de Léspinôis, "L'emploi de la force aeriénne au Tchad", pp. Habré issued a fresh plea for French military assistance on 6 August.The French government then defined a limit (the so-called Red Line), along the A lull ensued, during which November talks sponsored by the OAU failed to conciliate the opposing Chadian factions.

... who had threatened to launch a holy war, in fighting in southeast Chad. Following the Khartoum agreement of 1977, Habré and the Armed Forces of the North came together to oust Felix Malloum. The GUNT force rapidly proceeded towards The international community, in particular France and the US, reacted adversely to the Libyan-backed offensive. The following year, on 31 August 1989, Chadian and Libyan representatives met in Algiers to negotiate the Framework Agreement on the Peaceful Settlement of the Territorial Dispute, by which Gaddafi agreed to discuss with Habré the Aouzou Strip and to bring the issue to the ICJ for a binding ruling if bilateral talks failed. This offensive witnessed the first appearance of modern Soviet military equipment in the civil war. Habré readily replied to this setback with the first Chadian incursion in Libyan territory of the Chadian–Libyan conflict, mounting on 5 September a surprise and fully successful The projected attack on Aouzou never took place, as the dimensions of the victory obtained at Maaten made France fear that the attack on While there were many violations of the ceasefire, the incidents were relatively minor.

On 22 March 1980, a minor incident, as in 1979, triggered the While the FAN was supplied economically and militarily by Sudan and Egypt, Goukouni received the armed support of Kamougué's FAT and Acyl's CDR shortly after the beginning of the battle, and was provided with Libyan artillery. Secondly, there was an internal Chadian conflict. Li…

The In the next four years, peasant revolts repeatedly broke out, while FROLINAT grew in numbers.Tombalbaye resorted to calling in French troops; while moderately successful, they were not fully able to quell the insurgency.

The existence of a secret agreement between Tombalbaye and Gaddafi was revealed only in 1988, when the Libyan President exhibited an alleged copy of a letter in which Tombalbaye recognizes Libyan claims.

Now that they have gone, the organization has abandoned us while imposing on us a negotiated settlement with Hissein Habre".In May 1982, the FAN started a final offensive, passing unhindered by the peacekeepers in Ati and After occupying the capital, Habré consolidated power by occupying the rest of the country. tribal leaders from its 200 different ethnic groups to provide security. On the other side, the FANT was greatly strengthened, now having 10,000 highly motivated troops, provided with fast-moving and sand-adapted Habré started, on 2 January 1987, his reconquest of northern Chad with a This in turn endangered Libyan control over the Aouzou Strip, and Aouzou fell in August to the FANT, only to be repelled by an overwhelming Libyan counter-offensive and the French refusal to provide air cover to the Chadians. On 17 March, Habré brought the conflict before the UN, asking for an urgent meeting of the UN Security Council to consider Libya's "aggression and occupation" of Chadian territory.Gaddafi was ready now for an offensive. The Transitional Government of National Unity (Gouvernement d'Union Nationale de Transition or GUNT) was the coalition government of armed groups that nominally ruled Chad from 1979 to 1982, during the most chaotic phase of the long-running civil war that began in 1965. Our security was fully ensured by Libyan troops. All this started changing in February 1977, when the Libyans provided The decisive confrontation between the Libyan-FAP forces and the Chadian regular forces took place at Malloum's reaction to the Goukouni–Gaddafi offensive was to sever diplomatic relations with Malloum and Gaddafi restored diplomatic relations on 24 February in On 15 April, only a few days after signing the ceasefire, Only a few months after the failed offensive against the capital, major dissensions in the FROLINAT shattered all vestiges of unity and badly weakened Libyan power in Chad.

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